Chapter 444
The Fate of Jin Wuzhu
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The core area of the Western Regions is the entire territory of Xinjiang in later times, and in a broader sense it can be extended to eastern Central Asia, with its boundaries expanding and contracting slightly over time.
Specifically, it extends east to Yumenguan and Yangguan, serving as the gateway from the Central Plains to the Western Regions; west to the Pamir Mountains, marking the traditional western boundary of the Western Regions; south to the northern foothills of the Kunlun and Altun Mountains; and north to the southern foothills of the Tianshan and Altai Mountains, encompassing the core areas of Xinjiang, including the Tarim Basin and the Junggar Basin.
In a broader sense, dynasties such as the Han and Tang, due to their expansion of power, would also include the Transoxiana region of Central Asia west of the Pamir Mountains (which is the area of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan in later generations) in the Western Regions.
In layman's terms, its core is Xinjiang in later times, and in a broader sense, it includes eastern Central Asia, with its core boundary always anchored at the "Yumen Pass-Pamir Mountains".
The core territory of the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty was located in the area of Kashgar and Hotan in Xinjiang in later generations. It was situated in the western part of the Tarim Basin and was a key force in the geopolitics of the Western Regions. It had always interacted with the Song Dynasty and the Western Xia Dynasty, which was destroyed by the Song Dynasty. It was located entirely in the core area of the traditional Western Regions (west of Yumen Pass and east of the Pamir Mountains).
The territory of the Western Karakhanid Dynasty stretched west of the Pamir Mountains, encompassing the Fergana Basin in Central Asia and Uzbekistan in later periods.
Geographically speaking, this goes beyond the Pamir Mountains, the traditional eastern and western boundary of the Western Regions.
However, since the Western Karakhanid Dynasty and the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty both belonged to the Karakhanid Dynasty and were closely connected with the core area of the Western Regions in terms of culture and trade, people of this era often included it in the category of "Western Regions in a broader sense" and regarded it as a part of the Western Regions extending into Central Asia.
To put it simply, the Song Dynasty destroyed the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty and recovered its territory. In fact, it can be said that the Song Dynasty recovered the Western Regions, or at least the core areas of the Western Regions.
However, if we consider the Western Regions in a broader sense, or from the perspective of people in that era, the Song Dynasty could not be considered to have recovered the Western Regions as long as it had not destroyed the Western Karakhanid Dynasty and incorporated its territory into the Song Dynasty's territory.
The Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty was actually a geopolitical entity representing the East, and its ties with forces deep within Central Asia were not particularly strong.
The core of the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty was always rooted in the oasis city-states in the western part of the Tarim Basin, close to the various tribes of the Western Regions and the Central Plains dynasties. Although some of its people believed in Islam, there were also a large number of Buddhists, Manichaeists, and Nestorians. It also retained the diverse traditions of the Uyghurs and Sogdians. This allowed it to maintain a semi-independent khanate system politically, without being completely assimilated by the Arab world or becoming a vassal of the Arab Caliphs or Central Asian powers.
It could even be said that the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty's economy mainly relied on its firm control over the tribute trade and private commerce in the East, transporting jade, spices, and cotton from the Western Regions to the Song Dynasty via the eastern section of the Silk Road, and then transferring silk, porcelain, and tea from the Central Plains to various parts of the Western Regions. The core of this interest-binding relationship was actually the Eastern market; culturally, it also formed a unique "Western Regions-Central Plains" integration characteristic.
Such a regime, deeply intertwined with the East and ambivalent with Central Asian powers, posed no diplomatic risk to the Song Dynasty in attacking it.
—The Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty maintained only loose religious ties with the Seljuk Empire and Arab powers in Central Asia, without any substantial military alliance. When the Song Dynasty launched its campaigns, the Central Asian powers lacked a reason to directly intervene militarily.
In other words, the Song Dynasty's recovery of the territory of the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty was essentially the completion of the integration of the core area of the Western Regions. It was a reconstruction of the geopolitical order between the Central Plains dynasty and the traditional vassal states of the Western Regions. It had little to do with the Seljuk Empire and Arab forces in Central Asia. The scope of the conflict was controllable. In addition, the Song Dynasty was strong enough, so the recovery process was relatively smooth.
The Western Karakhanid Dynasty was different.
Although the Western Karakhanid Dynasty and the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty shared the same origin, the Western Karakhanid Dynasty had long since become a vassal state of the Arab world in Central Asia and a frontier stronghold for the eastward expansion of Islamic civilization.
Politically, it accepted investiture from the Arab Caliphs; diplomatically, it was subordinate to the Seljuk Empire; and militarily, it maintained close ties with the Turkic tribes of Central Asia and the Islamic world. In essence, it served as a "Central Asian barrier" for the Seljuk Empire to counterbalance its eastern powers.
If the Song Dynasty were to conquer the Western Karakhanid Khanate, it would not be a simple matter of territorial expansion, but would directly infringe upon the core interests of the Seljuk Empire and Arab powers.
To put it simply, the Western Karakhanid Dynasty controlled the Transoxiana region of Central Asia and the Fergana Basin, serving as a key hub on the western section of the Silk Road and a strategic location for the eastward penetration of Islamic civilization.
In this scenario, if the Song Dynasty were to send troops to attack the Western Karakhanid Dynasty, the Seljuk Empire would inevitably use the pretext of "protecting its Islamic allies" to unite with Turkic tribes in Central Asia and Arab vassal states to form a coalition and fully intervene in the war. Religious leaders in the Arab world would also call for "holy war," inciting Muslim forces in various regions to oppose the Song Dynasty, thus escalating the war from a simple military conflict into a comprehensive confrontation of civilizations and geopolitical interests.
More importantly, if the Song Dynasty wanted to attack the Western Karakhanid Dynasty, it had to cross the Pamir Mountains, a natural barrier, and its supply lines stretched for thousands of miles, making it extremely vulnerable to attacks from the Central Asian coalition.
Furthermore, if the Song Dynasty were to engage in a full-scale war with the Seljuk Empire, it would also face the risk of the western section of the Silk Road being cut off. Central Asia was the only route for trade between the Song Dynasty and Europe and the Arab world. Once war broke out, the import of goods such as spices and jewels would be cut off, and the Song Dynasty's overseas trade system would also be impacted.
The saying "a single hair can affect the whole body" perfectly describes this situation.
In conclusion, the Song Dynasty's reconquest of the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty meant the recovery of the core of the Western Regions and the completion of control over the Eastern Silk Road, a move that followed the prevailing trend. However, if the Song Dynasty were to conquer the Western Karakhanid Dynasty, it would mean a direct confrontation with the entire Arab-Turkic power group in Central Asia. The scale of the war, logistical pressures, and diplomatic risks would increase exponentially, making it far more than a simple territorial expansion campaign; it would be a comprehensive strategic game concerning the life and death of the Song Dynasty's westward expansion.
If the Song Dynasty insists on advancing westward, it must be prepared for a protracted war. It must not only mobilize the nation's manpower and resources to support the front lines, but also unite with the surrendered forces in the Western Regions and even befriend the Byzantine Empire in Europe to contain the Seljuk Empire. Otherwise, it is very easy to fall into the predicament of "winning the battle but losing the strategy".
Therefore, after recovering the Eastern Karakhanid Dynasty, Zhao Yu issued an edict ordering Tong Guan and others to stop for the time being and instead focus on building highways and railways to Central Asia, managing the newly recovered areas, and engaging in trade, exchanges, learning, and infiltration with various forces in Central Asia.
In short, Zhao Yu planned to consolidate his gains first, digest the newly acquired territories, and prepare for further westward expansion...
……
Now let's talk about Japan.
After the Song army captured Heian-kyo, Wu Yong and others seized the Japanese imperial treasury and temple supplies. At the same time, they spread the word that the Japanese Emperor, Retired Emperor, Emperor, and all members of the imperial family had been captured by the Song Dynasty and that Japan was doomed. They also appeased the common people in the capital, proclaiming that the Song Dynasty had come to liberate Japan and promote the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
Although Japan in this era was not a typical slave society, the collapse of its national legal system gave rise to the flourishing of the manor system, forming a social exploitation system centered on land monopoly and multiple sharp contradictions.
In other words, Japanese nobles and temples controlled a large number of privileged manors that were "neither paid nor received" through the "gifting" system. They exploited the dependent farmers by imposing high land rents of 50% to 70%, and on top of this, they imposed multiple forms of oppression, such as miscellaneous labor, tribute, and usury. The farmers were tightly bound, and the groups of bankrupt vagrants and private slaves continued to expand.
Furthermore, within the Japanese ruling class, nobles, samurai, and temples were constantly clashing over land and power. Samurai groups rose to prominence under the guise of protecting manors, while temple armed monks frequently intervened in conflicts of interest.
This has led to extremely difficult living conditions for the lower classes in Japan.
As a result, peasant "destruction movements" frequently broke out across Japan, with peasants attacking estate owners' residences with farm tools, burning account books, and demanding reductions in land rent and debts.
The refugees also gathered to form armed gangs, attacking post stations, plundering supplies, and even attacking local government offices. Among them, the "pirates" (armed groups composed of coastal refugees) were the most active. They controlled sea routes and plundered merchant ships and coastal estates.
In Japanese manors, private servants (also known as maids or servants) often rebelled by escaping, setting fires, or even assassinating the manor owner.
Meanwhile, the corruption of the Japanese imperial court, the paralysis of local governance, and the lack of disaster relief further exacerbated the collapse of people's livelihoods.
This series of structural crises revolving around land annexation, personal dependence, and class antagonism ultimately led to the reconstruction of social order through the Genpei War, foreshadowing the end of the Heian period and the beginning of the Shogunate era.
In this lifetime, however, these conflicts were ignited by the Song Dynasty.
By eliminating Japanese nobles and alleviating the burden on the lower classes, the Song Dynasty quickly gained a foothold in Japan and achieved a sense of righteousness in establishing itself there. This transformed the war from one of aggression into a war of liberation.
Therefore, the lower classes of Japan strongly supported the Song Dynasty in overthrowing the Japanese imperial court.
The most direct manifestation of this was that a large number of ordinary Japanese people voluntarily joined the Song army, willing to serve as laborers or even spies for the Song Dynasty.
Against this backdrop, the main force of the Song Dynasty's navy sailed down the Yodo River and occupied Fukuhara Port on the coast of Osaka Bay.
This place was once the site where Taira no Kiyomori moved his capital, and it is a core seaport in the Kansai region.
The Song army expanded its shipyard here, repaired the warships left by the Taira clan, and established regular connections with the Song supply fleet that crossed the sea, thus gaining control of the sea in the Kansai region.
On land, the army split into two routes: the eastern route advanced along the Tokaido, clearing out the remnants of the Taira clan in the Omi and Mino areas; the western route advanced along the San'in Road, controlling the Kansai region's defenses such as Tanba and Tango, cutting off the channels for local Japanese lords to aid the Kansai region.
Subsequently, the main force of the Song army on the eastern route advanced eastward along the Donghai Road, where they encountered joint resistance from the Taira clan and the remnants of the Minamoto clan.
Liu Guangshi, a Song general who was best at winning battles when the tide was in his favor, easily defeated the remnants of the Taira and Minamoto clans against the weak Japanese forces, and then carried out a massacre.
Meanwhile, Li Bao cut off the Japanese army's waterborne supply lines on the banks of the Fuji River in Suruga.
On the other side, Wang De advanced with his infantry phalanx, defeating the Kanto samurai group under Minamoto no Yoritomo.
After capturing Suruga, the Song army took advantage of the situation to invade Sagami Province and advance directly towards Kamakura, which was controlled by Minamoto no Yoritomo.
Because Kamakura relied on hilly terrain, the Song army used Li Lin cannons to bombard the Japanese army's defensive fortifications, and then heavy infantry gradually eroded the positions.
After the city fell, the volatile Wang De massacred all the Japanese who participated in the resistance, while at the same time opening granaries to distribute food to the lower classes of Japan. He was both a devil and an angel.
Meanwhile, Li Jun led a part of his navy northward along the Pacific coast, capturing ports in Izu and Boso Peninsulas, forming an encirclement of the Kanto Plain with his land forces. The powerful clans of Chiba and Miura surrendered unconditionally one after another.
The western route Song army, led by Zhang Jun, advanced westward along the Shanyin Road. After capturing Dango and Tajima, it turned towards the Hokuriku Road, where it encountered fierce resistance from the remnants of Minamoto no Yoshinaka's forces.
The Hokuriku region is mostly mountainous. The Song army took advantage of the compass for navigation and hot air balloons for reconnaissance, setting up ambushes in the valleys and using trade winds to maneuver lightly armed troops to outflank and defeat the rebels on the Echizen Plain.
Subsequently, Zhang Jun dispatched Yang Yizhong to seize Kaga and Etchu, and control the ports of Noto and Echigo along the Sea of Japan coast, forming a pincer movement with the Song army of the Tokaido.
After the pacification of Guandong and Guanxi, the Song army continued its advance by both land and water in two routes:
The northern naval force, carrying lightly armed troops, sailed north along the Sea of Japan, conquered Izumo and Oki, and then entered the southern part of Ezo Island.
The local Ainu people lived in scattered tribes. In addition, when the Song army arrived at Ainu Island, it was already winter. Therefore, the Song army did not immediately launch a campaign against the Ainu people. Instead, they set up a stronghold in Hakodate to establish suzerainty and see if they could win over these savages.
Meanwhile, the southern naval force marched south to capture the Okinawa Islands, built a port in Naha, opened up sea routes to southern China, and formed a complete encirclement of the Japanese archipelago.
It is worth mentioning that Jin Wuzhu led the remnants of the Jin army to retreat to Ezo Island.
Having fought their way to this point, the Jurchens truly had nowhere left to retreat or defend.
Even more devastating was that the Japanese who followed the Jurchens, along with some Jurchens themselves, saw no hope and suffered greatly from the harsh climate of Ezo Island. They were both mentally and physically devastated, leading many to break away from the Jurchen army. Some surrendered to the Song Dynasty and turned their attention to annihilating the Jurchens; others disguised themselves as Japanese refugees, hoping to become "good people." This caused the Jurchen population, which had once grown strong in Japan, to plummet again to less than a thousand.
Even so, Jin Wuzhu did not admit defeat.
The eighth day of the twelfth lunar month.
The Jurchens once again attempted to seize ships from the Song Dynasty, but failed due to the caution of the Song general Li Bao.
After Jin Wuzhu led his remaining troops to break through the encirclement, they hid in a mountain cave.
This defeat greatly saddened Jin Wuzhu, but he remained determined and planned to bide his time and prepare for a comeback.
To this end, Wanyan Wuzhu continued to make grand promises to those willing to follow him, saying that as long as they could get ships, they could escape the Song Dynasty's encirclement and suppression. At that time, their lives would improve, and they would have everything they wanted, including gold, silver, and beautiful women. Once they obtained the Song Dynasty's weapons and raised an army, they would restore their kingdom and recreate the glory of the Jin Dynasty.
However, he was unaware that his confidants had already given up hope for the future, and that death was drawing ever closer to him.
On August 15th, Jin general Wanyan Salihe, Han'er Han Chang, Japanese Kikuchi Jiro, Kono Yoshi, and others, after some secret planning, took advantage of Jin Wuzhu's unpreparedness and assassinated him.
After that, Wanyan Salihe and others took Jin Wuzhu's head and his family to surrender to the Song Dynasty.
The head of Jin Wuzhu was eventually sent to Beijing. Zhao Yu sought out Wanyan Zongya and other former Jin people who were familiar with Jin Wuzhu to identify him, and they confirmed that it was indeed Jin Wuzhu.
Zhao Yu said with some regret, "It would have been perfect if Jin Wuzhu had died at the hands of Yue Fei."
However, when Zhao Yu sent people to attack Japan, it was also a crucial moment for Yue Fei and his men to conquer the grasslands. As one of the main forces and commanders, Yue Fei simply couldn't leave.
That's why Zhao Yu didn't send Yue Fei to Japan.
'Well, life is full of disappointments; I don't need everything to go my way. Half of it being satisfactory is enough.'
Zhao Yu ordered that Jin Wuzhu's head be displayed for three days before being crushed to ashes.
Spring of the twenty-third year of Hongwu (1388).
Wu Yong and his men pacified Ezo Island through a combination of force and appeasement.
With this, Japan became a thing of the past, and Northeast Asia was entirely incorporated into the rule of the Song Dynasty.
...(End of chapter)