Chapter 4011

Chapter 4011

Chapter 4011

On his way back to Fubo Port, Qian Tiandun had already considered this problem and immediately came up with his own solution: "The warships originally stationed at Fubo Port will continue their voyage to the Red Sea. Send a telegram to the warships stationed at Hamban Port to come to the Persian Gulf to prepare for military exercises, and then transfer a few ships from Phuket to Hamban Port for reinforcement."

This is essentially a Ponzi scheme, using troops stationed in the other two locations to supplement the military exercises at Fubo Port.

The northern end of the Strait of Malacca has been relatively calm for the past two years, with pirate activity almost completely disappearing. Europeans have also been hesitant to encroach on the territory of the Haihan, so the defense pressure on Phuket is not high, and it is not a problem to send warships to Hambantota for reinforcement.

However, such a series of cross-regional troop movements were not as simple as Qian Tiandun could explain in a few words. Among these movements, the shortest voyage was from Phuket Island to Hambantota Port, but the one-way distance was more than 4,000 li (approximately 2,000 kilometers). Even traveling day and night, it would still take a week at sea.

It is conceivable that the supplies consumed by these troops during their repeated movements must have been considerable. Moreover, the expenses incurred in moving troops to Hambantota and Phuket Island were unplanned expenditures, which will inevitably put considerable pressure on the special operations division's military budget this year.

However, the increase in military spending was clearly no longer Qian Tiandun's primary concern. He wanted to advance both the negotiation and military strategies against the Ottoman Empire simultaneously, so as not to waste precious time.

Qian Tiandun originally wanted to personally direct the operation to re-inspect the Red Sea, but if military exercises were to be held with Persia later, he, as the host, could not be absent and thus needed to make adjustments.

Takahashi Minami volunteered, saying, "Sir, I'll lead the troops to the Red Sea! You can stay in Fubo Port, prepare for the joint military exercises between the two countries, and also keep an eye on the Ottomans' movements."

Qian Tiandun pondered for a moment, then nodded and said, "We'll do as you say, but I don't know how long it will take for the Persians to give us a reply."

Takahashi Minami said, "The larger the scale of the military exercise that you want, the longer it will take to respond."

Qian Tiandun understood and could only smile wryly, "Sometimes I really want to sell the radio to these countries; the communication efficiency is just too low!"

The Safavid dynasty, which now rules Persia, established its capital in Tabriz in the early 20th century. This city is located in the Azerbaijani region of Central Asia, more than 3,000 kilometers away from Bandar Abbas in the Strait of Hormuz.

Geographically speaking, Tabriz and the Persian Gulf are no longer in the same region, and the area between the two is almost entirely mountainous, so the transportation conditions are predictably poor, and a one-way trip would take one or two months.

This was somewhat similar to the situation in the Ottoman Empire. The distance between Basra and the capital Istanbul was several thousand miles, and it would take Arif a long time to receive a reply when he wanted to convey the information about Suez to the Queen Mother.

Qian Tiandun naturally hoped that the joint military exercise with Persia would be as large as possible. If it was just a small-scale exercise with the Persian garrison in Bandar Abbas, the influence would be limited and might not be enough to put pressure on the Ottomans. In fact, it might even make the Ottomans underestimate the threat from Persia.

Only when the Ottomans realized that Persia was likely to become an ally of Haihan and would inevitably threaten their own security would they seriously consider Qian Tiandun's suggestion in Basra—that Haihan sever its arms trade with Persia as one of the conditions for gaining control of the Suez region. However, for Persia to cooperate with Haihan on a major offensive, the Abbasid governor, Baim, had to report to King Abbas II for a personal decision. This was an essential procedure, and even if Qian Tiandun was anxious, he could only patiently wait for a response.

A significant amount of time will be wasted on information transmission, which is why Qian Tiandun is so resentful. If he were in a similar situation, even if he were thousands of miles away from Haihan's mainland, he could get a reply from the Executive Committee in just one or two days; the difference in efficiency is simply worlds apart.

Qian Shaobao asked, "Are the Persians taking this matter seriously? If we wait for months without any news, it will be a huge loss for us!"

Qian Tiandun said, "That Baim from Abbas is quite interested, and his concern isn't about what the Ottomans will think or feel... Do you understand the intricacies of this?"

When Qian Shaobao saw his father posing a question to him, he replied without hesitation: "For Baim, the Ottoman Empire is too far away, while the Portuguese are very close. Rather than considering the impact of joint military exercises on the Ottoman Empire, it would be more practical to deter the Portuguese right on our doorstep."

Qian Tiandun nodded in satisfaction and said, "That's why I need to go to Bandar Abbas. A person who doesn't plan for the future will have trouble in the present. What Baim is worried about is the condition we can take advantage of."

The Portuguese-occupied island of Hormuz blocked the doorstep of Bandar Abbas. Persia launched numerous military campaigns against it, but all failed to reclaim the island from the Portuguese. This island was like a thorn in the Persians' throat, a grain of sand in their eye, a sword hanging over the heads of successive Bandar Abbas governors—a persistent nightmare for the Persians.

Although Baim was well aware of the close relationship between Haihan and Portugal, he did not mind cooperating with Haihan militarily to make Portugal more cautious in its actions.

Of course, Portugal has also been trying to trip up Persia in this regard, demanding that Haihan not provide Persia with arms or military aid, so as to prevent Persia from trying to seize the island again after increasing its military strength.

However, the ruler of Hormuz, Rui, made a mistake. He believed that the emergence of Fubo Port seriously affected Hormuz's trading position in the Persian Gulf, so he secretly colluded with several Arab tribes to launch an offensive against Fubo Port, intending to drive the Haihan people out of the Persian Gulf.

After these harassment operations were thwarted by the special operations division, the truth was revealed, and the special operations division naturally regarded Rui as a potential adversary, and its communications with the Persians became even less concerned about the feelings of the Portuguese.

In this situation, Qian Tiandun's suggestion of joint military exercises was like a godsend for Baim, the governor of Bandar Abbas, who could use this opportunity to intimidate the Portuguese.

Therefore, the meeting between the two sides in Bandar Abbas was a quick success, and they did not spend too much time discussing the feasibility. However, Qian Tiandun requested that Persia send as many naval forces as possible to bolster its strength, but Baim's authority was insufficient to mobilize troops outside Bandar Abbas, and he had to wait for the king's approval.

In Qian Tiandun's view, there shouldn't be many variables in this matter. The only uncertain factor is time; it's unclear how long it will take before implementation. If it takes too long, it might in turn affect the progress of subsequent negotiations between his side and the Ottoman Empire.